ࡱ > _ bjbj . b b G Z+ + h h $ B & & & & & & & 8 ,' (( & W D ( B ) * + + + " , !, rV tV tV tV tV tV tV $ [ ] B V & ), + + ), ), V & & + + W , , , ), & + & + rV , ), rV , , Q D S + dm ), R & ^V W 0 W R ^ ), ^ L S ^ & S t ), ), , ), ), ), ), ), V V , ), ), ), W ), ), ), ), ^ ), ), ), ), ), ), ), ), ), h # : OPEN GOVERNMENT FOR A CLOSED REGIME:
OPENNESS DILEMA IN THE VIETNAM CASE
Tran Van Long
Abstract:
Cyber environment has been considered as an indispensable condition for the cause of industrialization and modernization in developing countries, thus shaping a motivation for not only administrative effectiveness but also international integration. A new trend has come, an up-to-date idea coming from the age of information technology is the concept of e-government that highlights the role of technologies in facilitating the information flow from the government to citizen and vice versa , or the role of the Internet continues in increasing public participation and public scrutiny (characteristics of democratic system), thus creating the open government .
This article is aimed at address on the process of building open government in Vietnam. Needless to say, Vietnam has made many efforts to promote e-government and improve efficiency and effectiveness of public administration, as well as transparency and accountibility. Then, this reality raises the question as to whether (and to what extent) the system of open government has been built in Vietnam yet. If the answer is no, then what are the political and institutional barriers to the practice of open government in Vietnam?
OPEN GOVERNMENT FOR A CLOSED REGIME:
OPENNESS DILEMA IN THE VIETNAM CASE
Introduction
The word has been changed dramatically to be flatter, closer and more dangerous due to the evolution of information technology. Cyber environment therefore has been considered as an indispensable condition for the cause of industrialization and modernization in developing countries, thus shaping a motivation for not only administrative effectiveness but also international integration. A new trend has come, an up-to-date idea coming from the age of information technology is the concept of e-government that highlights the role of technologies in facilitating the information flow from the government to citizen and vice versa, or the role of the Internet continues in increasing public participation and public scrutiny. E-government is considered one solution to disseminate government information and provide public services online via digital means. Some public policy scholars have argued that e-government may improve public trust, and enhance accountability and publicity (characteristics of democratic system), thus being labeled as e-democracy, and from which, the concept of open government has been theorized.
Open a closed regime: in the case of Vietnam
1. Open Government and Closed Regime
Strikingly, the concept of open government has flourished over the past six years, since the start of the Obama Administration in 2009. The Memorandum on Transparency and Open Government ADDIN EN.CITE Obama2009504(Obama, 2009)50450417Obama, BarackMemorandum onTransparency and Open GovernmentExecutive Office of the President of United States of America, Washington, DC. Executive Office of the President of United States of America, Washington, DC.2009(Obama, 2009) established the foundations for the notion of open government, which were then imitated by Australia (2010), European Commission (2013), and Canada (2014). According to these foundational requirements, an open government shall take responsibility for the following purpose:
[t]o ensure the public trust and establish a system of transparency, public participation, and collaboration. Openness will strengthen our democracy and promote efficiency and effectiveness in Government.
The Obama Administration characterized three principles of open government, including two traditional values (transparency and public participation) and one new attribute (collaboration). Collaboration means public engagement (citizens are free to participate and involve themselves in government agencies dealings if they wish to do so), and multilateral cooperation (government should cooperate internally, with nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and with the private sector as well). A corollary of this idea is that the concept of open government shifts from a tool for efficiency to a means for democracy ADDIN EN.CITE McDermott2010508(McDermott, 2010)50850817McDermott, PatriceBuilding Open GovernmentGovernment Information QuarterlyGovernment Information Quarterly401-41327420100740-624X(McDermott, 2010).
In fact, this description defines the notion of open government as it is applied to the domestic sphere, specifically internal transparency (including top-down and bottom-up practices of participation). To fill this void, Hansson et al. (2014) broaden the term from the domestic to the international sphere:
Transparency and information sharing on different levels within government, between government and the public, and in the public sphere mean not only that the information shall be accessible by default to promote understanding and accountability, but also that it is interoperable and open for reuse both by different government agencies and the private sector to promote innovation (Hansson et al., 2014, p.545).
Therefore, a nations transparency must be comprehensively evaluated, and all the directionalities of its transparency need to be understood. How to measure and evaluate the degree of transparency in an open government? Finel and Lord (1999) ADDIN EN.CITE Finel199915415415417Finel, Bernard I.Lord, Kristin M.The Surprising Logic of TransparencyInternational Studies QuarterlyInternational Studies Quarterly325-3394321999Blackwell Publishers Inc1468-2478http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0020-8833.0012210.1111/0020-8833.00122 develop an index to reveal the transparency capabilities of a government embracing internal and external transparency, see Table 1
DebateControlDisclosureDisemination of governmental information by agencies, NGOs.
Facilitation for criticizing the public policy from Civil society and external actors.Controling the information revealed by media network
Censoring the information flow via the internet and social mediaReleasing the information of government through formal channels.
Including proactive transparencyTable 1.1. Index of Transparency (Finel and Lord, 1999), for Measuring the Degree of transparency in a Given Government
Based on these three aspects of transparency reflecting the degree of openness in a given country, we can simply define open government as a state in which freedom of the press, FOI, and the principle of publicity are mutually respected and guaranteed. Conversely, where there are no (or insufficient) institutional and legal conditions to protect these basic civil rights, a closed regime is likely to become established. A few scholar- bureaucrats have attempted to define as in the following example:
[c]losed regime is governed by the principles of security, order and discipline, determined by the need to avoid infractions of the system of order, but without neglecting the fundamental orientation which is to facilitate treatment (Queralt, Caballero, Casals, Navarro, & Serra, 1997, p.447).
However, notably, the term closed regime is rarely used in legal or political research. A closed regime is considered to be an institution whose informational culture is strictly restricted to favoring the governments interests, specifically in information technology disciplines ADDIN EN.CITE Kalathil2010378(Kalathil & Boas, 2010)3783786Kalathil, ShanthiBoas, Taylor COpen Networks, Closed regimes: The Impact of the Internet on Authoritarian Rule2010Carnegie Endowment for International Peace087003331X(Kalathil & Boas, 2010). Most legal and political scholars have tended to use the terms totalitarian regime and authoritarian regime in relation to fascist and communist regimes, particularly in the Cold War era during which there were numerous political debates about the two models of state-building. In this sense, these terms can be deemed as a synonym for non-democratic regimes of various forms. ADDIN EN.CITE Purcell1973512Purcell (1973)51251217Purcell, Susan KaufmanDecision-making in an Authoritarian Regime: Theoretical Implications from a Mexican Case StudyWorld PoliticsWorld Politics28-54260119731086-3338Purcell (1973) emphasizes the characteristics of an authoritarian regime, defining them according to the following features:
Limited political pluralism,
Low subject mobilization of the population, and
The predominance of patrimonial rulership on the part of a single leader or a small group
He further asserts that authoritarian regimes present the opposite image of what most people would consider democratic features. The underdeveloped world therefore tends to use communism or authoritarianism, with its central planning of the economy, to suppress any revolutionary ideology and promote economic development (Srensen, G.,1993). Marxist communism (or Socialism) is frequently identified as a single party system, thus being typically classified as an authoritarian regime.
In the post-Cold War era, the term totalitarian regime seems to be used only in relation to particular cases of dictatorship, such as North Korea, hence it has rarely been used and is seemingly obsolete ADDIN EN.CITE Brooker2013517(Brooker, 2013; Diamond, 2002; Juan Jos Linz, 2000)5175176Brooker, PaulNon-Democratic Regimes2013Palgrave Macmillan1137382538Linz20005205205206Linz, Juan JosTotalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes2000Lynne Rienner Publishers1555878903Diamond200252152152117Diamond, Larry JayThinking about Hybrid RegimesJournal of DemocracyJournal of democracy21-3513220021086-3214(Brooker, 2013; Diamond, 2002). Authoritarian regimes have recently been considered as noncompetitive political system in which state power is held by an elite group, such as the military or police forces ADDIN EN.CITE ADDIN EN.CITE.DATA (Diamond, 2002; Juan J Linz, 1990). Overall, I argue that closed regimes and authoritarian regimes are not interchangeable synonyms. Authoritarianism embraces all features opposed to democracy, including non-populism (or conservatism) and patrimonialism; closed regimes, in contrast with open government on the degree of press freedom (debate), FOI (control), and public participation (disclosure).
From E-government to Open government: the case of a closed regime
E-democracy, as Steven Clift established in his article, [i]s the use of information and communications technologies and strategies by democratic sectors within the political processes of local communities, states/ regions, nations and on the global stage. In this article, e-democracy will be analyzed following the extent to which the e-government system could facilitate and promote democratic sectors, namely, governmental transparency, elected officials, media, civil society, and international governmental organizations. Needless to say, Vietnam has made many efforts to promote e-government and improve efficiency and effectiveness of public administration. In a nutshell, e-government can make the Government more transparent in the public eyes, and make the interactions between agencies and the public more convenient, and ideally, increase the public trust by facilitating public participation. Then, this hypothesis raises the question as to whether (and to what extent) Vietnams efforts to promote e-government are associated with the democratic performance of their political system, toward open government.
Since Doi moi, Vietnam has tried to send a signal to the world that it has changed to openness by promoting information work, the press, radio, television, cinema, publishing, libraries and other means of mass communication, but on the other hand, detrimental culture and information to national interest shall be prohibited. With this trajectory, political leaders try to open their economy as much as they can for improving the growth resulting from international integration on the one hand, and attempt to maintain the status quo of political order on the other hand. As a result, the Vietnam Government has built and strengthened the system of e-government by encouraging certain kinds of national telecommunication, while maintaining the internet security policy that strictly controls the information flow. We can see the progress in the development of Vietnams e-government by the gradual increase in E-government Readiness Indicator (UN E-government Survey) as follows:
Firure 1. E-government Readiness Index of Vietnam (2003-2018)
E-government Readiness includes three sub-indicators: Web measure index, telecommunication and infrastructure index, and the human capital index. It has been used to capture the overall availability of ICTs, and the ability of a country to implement e-government. In fact, this variable just reflects the efforts of governments in modernizing the governance by exploiting ICTs. As we can see in Figures 1, Vietnam has slightly and gradually increased the value of their E-government Readiness since 2003, though not consecutively, but the progressiveness is clear, reflects the efforts of Vietnams Government in promoting its e-government system with the aims of being more transparent, attracting more foreign investment and providing more efficient public services. But unfortunately, the path from e-government to e-democracy, and open government is such a long, tough and rocky journey linked with democratization and political openness, creating a dillema that will be discussed through this paper.
2.1 When E-government is for the Government, not for the people
E-government is considered one solution to disseminate government information and provide public services online via digital means ADDIN EN.CITE West2000838(West, 2000)83883817West, Darrell M.Assessing E-government: The Internet, Democracy, and Service Delivery by State and Federal GovernmentsBrown ҹþ, ProvidenceBrown ҹþ, ProvidenceR1 0299122000http://www.insidepolitics.org/egovtreport00.html(West, 2000). Some public policy scholars have argued that e-government may improve public trust ADDIN EN.CITE Welch2005781(Tolbert & Mossberger, 2006; Welch et al., 2005)78178117Welch, Eric WHinnant, Charles CMoon, M JaeLinking Citizen Satisfaction with E-government and Trust in GovernmentJournal of Public Administration Research and TheoryJournal of public administration research and theory371-39115320051053-1858Tolbert2006839839839 1 7 < / r e f - t y p e > < c o n t r i b u t o r s > < a u t h o r s > < a u t h o r > T o l b e r t , C a r o l i n e J < / a u t h o r > < a u t h o r > M o s s b e r g e r , K a r e n < / a u t h o r > < / a u t h o r s > < / c o n t r i b u t o r s > < t i t l e s > < t i t l e > T h e E f f e c t s o f E g o v e r n m e n t o n T r u s t a n d C o n f i d e n c e i n G o v e r n m e n t < / t i t l e > < s e c o n d a r y - t i t le>Public Administration ReviewPublic Administration Review354-36966320061540-6210(Tolbert & Mossberger, 2006), and enhance accountability and publicity (characteristics of democratic system), thus being labeled as e-democracy ADDIN EN.CITE Clift2004503(Clift, 2004; W. Wong & Welch, 2004)5035036Clift, Steven LE-government and DemocracyRepresentation and Citizen Engagement in the Information AgeRepresentation and Citizen Engagement in the Information Age402004Provided to the United Nations - UNPAN/DESA for the 2003 World Public Sector ReportWong2004835835835 1 7 < / r e f - t y p e > < c o n t r i b u t o r s > < a u t h o r s > < a u t h o r > W o n g , W i l s o n < / a u t h o r > < a u t h o r > W e l c h , E r i c < / a u t h o r > < / a u t h o r s > < / c o n t r i b u t o r s > < t i t l e s > < t i t l e > D o e s E g o v e r n m e n t P r o m o t e A c c o u n t a b i l i t y ? A C o m p a r a t i v e A n a l y s i s o f W e b s i t e O p e n n e s s a n d G o v ernment AccountabilityGovernanceGovernance275-29717220041468-0491(Clift, 2004; W. Wong & Welch, 2004). The efforts of international organizations, especially the WTO, to reduce information asymmetry within state members have stimulated a global trend in utilizing ICTs in public administration. Globalization and harmonization under the umbrella of the WTO have created [a] new set of complex and interactive stimuli, demands, and opportunities in the external environment of national public bureaucracies, whose origin is not traceable to any particular nation (Wong & Welch, 2004, p.277). These global pressures ultimately push the domestic bureaucracies for a significant change ADDIN EN.CITE Wong200483583583517Wong, Wilson W e l c h , E r i c < / a u t h o r > < / a u t h o r s > < / c o n t r i b u t o r s > < t i t l e s > < t i t l e > D o e s E g o v e r n m e n t P r o m o t e A c c o u n t a b i l i t y ? A C o m p a r a t i v e A n a l y s i s o f W e b s i t e O p e n n e s s a n d G o v e r n m e n t A c c o u n t a b i l i t y < / t i t l e > < s e c o n d a r y - t i t l e > G o v e r n a n c e < / s e c o n d a r y - t i t l e > < / t i t l e s > < p e r i o d i c a l > < f u l l - t itle>Governance275-29717220041468-0491. Vietnam, for example, has launched a series of national programs to strongly promote e-government from central to local authorities since 2000, in pursuit of the WTO membership. On October 17, 2000, the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of Vietnam Central Committee promulgated Resolution No.58-CT/TW on accelerating the use and development of information technology for the causes of industrialization and modernization. Subsequently, the Government issued numerous administrative rulings to deploy the implementation of the Resolution No.58. One of the most important document is the Decision 112/2001/QD-TTg on ratifying the project on the state administrative management computerization in the 2001-2005 period,in which the Vietnamese government defined that:
Building the system of the state administrative management computerization for directly serving administrative processes.
Computerizing public services in order to improve the capacity of administrative agencies in serving the people and enterprises comfortably and promptly.
Establishing the informational network of e-banking, e-finance, e-custom and in national defense and security.
Modernization the administrative system toward building high quality e-government has been repeatedly emphasized in many legal documents issued by Prime Minister, including the Decision 136/2001/QD-TTg, Decision 94/2006/QD-TTg, Decision 30/2007/QD-TTg. Prominently, on April 10, 2007, the Decree 64/2007/ND-CP on information technology application in state agencies operations was enacted, through which the Government undertakes the responsibility to streamline, innovate, simplify and clarify all of administrative processes and bureaucracys activities. In this period, the Government determined that information technology is an indispensable condition for the cause of industrialization and modernization, e-government development is a motivation for not only administrative effectiveness but also international integration.
Connectively, another national program has been launched in 2011. On August 27, 2010, the Vice Prime Minister Nguyen Thien Nhan signed the Decision 1605/QD-TTg onapproving the national program on application of information technology to operations of state agencies during 2011-2015, to be continued with the National program on IT application in the operations of state agencies during period 2016-2020 (Prime Ministers Decision No.1819/QD-TTg dated Oct 26th, 2015), being aimed at building and consolidating information infrastructure as a basis for developing an e-government, extensively applying information technology in internal operations of state agencies, to raise productivity and reduce operating costs. Concrete targets include:
Internal documents officially exchanged among state agencies shall be in electronic form.
All meetings of the Prime Minister with ministries, ministerial-level agencies, government-attached agencies and provincial-level People's Committees may be held online.
To provide e-data for most operations of state agencies.All state agencies of district, provincial department or equivalent or higher level will have e-portals or websites for providing sufficient information providing all public services online, and most basic public services online for people and businesses.
Vietnam has made many efforts to promote e-government and improve efficiency and effectiveness of public administration, resulting the significant development of e-government system as presented in Figure 1. However, as ADDIN EN.CITE Wong2004835W. Wong and Welch (2004)83583517 < a u t h o r s > < a u t h o r > W o n g , W i l s o n < / a u t h o r > < a u t h o r > W e l c h , E r i c < / a u t h o r > < / a u t h o r s > < / c o n t r i b u t o r s > < t i t l e s > < t i t l e > D o e s E g o v e r n m e n t P r o m o t e A c c o u n t a b i l i t y ? A C o m p a r a t i v e A n a l y s i s o f W e b s i t e O p e n n e s s a n d G o v e r n m e n t A c c o u n t a b i l i t y < / t i t l e > < s e c o n d a r y - t i t l e > G o v e r n a n c eGovernance275-29717220041468-0491W. Wong and Welch (2004) argue, e-government may change the traditional relationship between government and citizens by facilitating the interaction thereof, through which public trust may be improved.
E-government can make the Government more transparent in the public eyes, and make the interactions between agencies and the public more convenient. Then, the question as to whether (and to what extent) Vietnams efforts to promote e-government are associated with the democratic performance of the government system needs to be addressed.
2.2. E-government and Open government: the openess dilemma?
Bearing in mind that public participation, one of the democratic performance as the UNCTAD described, can be evaluated by the degree of freedom of association and freedom of speech, also known as pillars of an open government. In administrative law, public participation is a principle to ensure input legitimacy by building an effective procedure to consult, involve, and inform the public to participate in decision-making processes (Smith, 1983). To find the answer for the aforementioned hypothesis relating to the accompanying of e-gorvernment and e-democracy and open government, I use the E-participation index that extends the dimension of the UN Survey by focusing on the use of online services to facilitate provision of information by governments to citizens (e-information sharing), interaction with stakeholders (e-consultation), and engagement in decision-making processes (e-decision making), to examine the democratic performance of Vietnamese e-gorvernment system, as presented followingly:
Figure 2. E-participation index of Vietnam (2003-2018)
We can argue that, e-participation is a key factor of e-democracy, as asserted by the EU, as follows:
A key aspect to keep in mind when developing e-democracy tools is the objective of fostering citizens participation, and in particular youth participation. If we want to increase citizens participation in democratic life, and thus improve the quality of our European (e-)democracy, the first step will be to focus on the engagement of citizens. Before citizens will participate more actively in European politics, they need to see that their ideas can help shape EU decision-making and that their contributions can make a difference.
A n d t h e p r a c t i c e o f V i e t n a m s h o w s t h a t e - g o v e r n m e n t a n d e - d e m o c r a c y d o n o t g o h a n d i n h a n d , h e n c e , o p e n g o v e r n m e n t h a s n o o p p o r t u n i t y t o d e v e l o p i n a c l o s e d r e g i m e , V i t N a m . T h e d e v e l o p m e n t a n d p r o g r e s s i v e n e s s o f e - g o v e r n m e n t i s t r u e , b u t e - d e m o c r a c y i s n ot.
This two-faces policy reflects the openness dilemma, through which the political leaders in a closed regime try to open their economy toward prima facie transparency, as much as they can in order to improve the growth resulting from international integration on the one hand, and attempt to maintain the status quo of political order on the other hand. As a result, the Vietnam Government has built and strengthened the system of e-government by encouraging certain kinds of national telecommunication, while maintaining the internet security policy that strictly controls the information flow. The closed regimes, like China and Vietnam, share this similar dilemma in their international integration processes, as ADDIN EN.CITE Kalathil2010378168Kalathil and Boas (2010, p. 168)3783786Kalathil, ShanthiBoas, Taylor COpen Networks, Closed regimes: The Impact of the Internet on Authoritarian Rule2010Carnegie Endowment for International Peace087003331XKalathil and Boas (2010, p. 168) observes:
Since even authoritarian countries are under pressure to conform to global economic norms, pushing for more liberal access and content policies in the context of economic development may be an effective if less tangible way to influence Internet diffusion and use in authoritarian countries.
We can see the progress in development of Vietnams e-government by the gradual increase in E-government Readiness Indicator (UN E-government survey) as displayed in Figure 1. But clearly, the path from e-government to e-democracy, and open government is such a long, tough and rocky journey linked with democratization and political openness.
Building open government for a close regime: Where do we go from here?
For discussing about the barriers or constraints of building open government and dealing with openness dilemma in Vietnam, I start with the 4 barriers of e-democracy established by Professor Pratchett in his publication, include:
1. Democratic understanding: Socialist democracy versus Western democracy
Democratic understanding is the way in which individuals, stakeholders define democratic problems and the solutions that they seek democracy. In the case of Vietnam, democratic values should be explained in accordance with political spheres, and then, a majority of Vietnamese people including state official or citizens do not understand or define the concept of democracy comprehensively and correctly. Many people think that democracy is an aspect of so-called westernization. Dalton, et al. (2007) observe that there are 72 percent of the Vietnamese public (in the World Values Survey) say that democracy is the best form of government, the critics claim that this means they want to have the higher standard of living that they identify with the United States but not the U.S. system of government. This means, in Vietnam, many people confuse the value of democracy and prosperity.
The reason of this practice may come from the traditional culture, and the influential ideology. In Marxist Leninist ideology, socialist democracy seems to be diffrent, in fact, the concept of democracy is politicalized and redefined to form the principle of centralized democracy, as provided in the Constitution of Vietnam 1992. On the other hand, Under Confucian traditions, the Vietnamese people are generally taught that they have to place the interests of the society above those of the family and of themselves. They have to believe in the lucid and skillful policies made by the rulling party and the state. Therefore, debates will be limited and the voice tends to be weak. As Duong, M. N. (2004) mentions:
The rights of each individual are respected on condition that they are not in opposition to those of the family, village and country. There is a danger in using the Asian values debate to maximise political and economic gains by blending local culture together with nationalism to legitimise a regime. However, at the same time, Confucianism continues to persist in a significant form in the ordinary lives of the people regardless of the political philosophy of the regime, thus, making the legitimisation argument less strong.
In Vietnam, with Marxist-Leninist ideologies, Confucian practices are ideological barriers of democratic performance as well as e-democracy and open government.
2. Institutional constraints: Transparency policy dilemma
Institutional constraints are concerned with the potential barriers that may exist within state agencies that restrict democracy related complains, comments or speeches. Open government is neither a situation nor phenomenal consciousness, nor should it be perceived as such. Clearly, e-government and open government are different mentions of the principle of transparency that can be considered to be an effective solution for overcoming the obstacles of integrity and accountability. Along these lines, Florini (2000) simplifies the transparency concept by contrasting it with secrecy. Secrecy means intentionally hiding information from public eyes - something transparency strives to dismantle. In turn, secrecy will shape the institutional structure to restrict people participating.
Striking the optimal balance between transparency and secrecy has been considered as the most challenging legislative sessions relating to the right to know. The concept of the Congressional dilemma is that the government is required to comply with the principle of maximum disclosure while maintaining national security by secrecy policy. Undeniably, secrecy is useful for institutional stability, but it may conflict with some democratic characteristics including transparency and the right to know. Colaresi (2014) defines this prominent challenge facing transition democracy as secrecy dilemma. He asserts that an open government is probable to insist on secrecy in order to protect the national security oversight institutions that can deter abuse and reassure the public accordingly. Solving the secrecy dilemma should be directly related to the question: How should the regime of exceptions be crafted so as to strike an appropriate balance between the right to know and the need to protect vital public interests?
History of freedom of information legislation around the world has consistently proven the instability and volatility of the regime of exceptions that virtually depends on different circumstances at different epochs. In fact, it is a fluctuation between transparency and secrecy that driven by socio-political factors. For example, the Freedom of information Act of the U.S. was enacted in 1966 that has been evaluated as a model of the right to know legislation for developing countries. Based on different circumstances of each U.S. presidency, the principles of transparency vary according to specific administrative rulings (Memorandum for the Heads of Executive Departments and Agencies.) Consequently, the boundaries between transparency and secrecy can be a battlefield for their coexistence in a tandem.
Vietnamese governmental secrets protection is currently regulated by a new law: Law on state secrets protection 2018. According to the law, the scope of state secrets is the range of important information in the 15 fields that cannot be disclosed, and if they are revealed or lost, national interests could be jeopardised, including a wide range of
Political information,
Information relating to national security and national defense
Legislation information, information relating to judiciary
Public affairs information
National economic information
Information of national resources and environments
Information of science and technology
Educational information
Information of culture and sport
Information of communication
Information of health care and population
Information relating to labour and social problems
Information of state officials and public servants
Information of anti-corruption activitites
It is easy to observe that there is no limitation of restricted information, and any states information can be labeled as secrecy if national interests could be jeopardised once that information is revealed. These important information are classifed corresponding with the state agencies (the Ministry) holding that information so as to which they have the right to decide which information is secret discretionarily. Clearly, the law stipulates that the Prime Minister issues the lists of state secrets, and the heads of top agencies compile the list of state secrets within their remits, giving the maximum discretion in their use of authorization and decentralization to shield government operations from the public scrutiny.
Accordingly, the definition of state secrets can be described hereunder:
ADDIN EN.CITE 200045745745750The Vietnam Standing Committee of National AssemblyOrdinance on the Protection of State Secrets30/2000/PL-UBTVQH102000
Contourscases, affairs, documents, objects, venues, time, speechContentsimportant contents in the fields of: politics, national defense, security, external affairs, economy, science, technology and other fieldsConditions1. The State does not publicize or has not yet publicized
2. The disclosure of which will cause harm to the StateClassification1. Absolute secret: Level 1
2. Top secret: Level 2
3. Secret: Level 3Table 1. The Definition of State secrets
Ultimately, this policy of secrecy gives rise to informational ambivalence and the Law on access to information that getting effective on July 01, 2018 tends to become formalistic and instrumentalist. Undeniably, attacking the culture of secrecy of administrative apparatus is not an easy task in Vietnam, where state secrets legislation has been applied that do not relate to any legitimate matter of national security, but rather to protect the government from embarrassment or exposure of wrongdoing, to conceal information about the functioning of public institutions ADDIN EN.CITE Amnesty International1996859(Amnesty International, 1996)8598596Amnesty International,People's Republic of China: State Secrets - a Pretext for RepressionASA 17/042/19961996Amnesty Internationalhttp://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6a9980.html (Amnesty International, 1996).
The transparency policy dilemma, or openness dilemma is that, the Law on Access to information was passed as an effort of Vietnam to achieve transparency institution, in order to adapt to the principle of transparency enshrined in the rule of international organizations; to become more attractive to foreign investors due to the ongoing political, social and economic reforms they eloquently declared, while insuring the stability of institution insofar as the passaged law on access to information cannot interrupt the political status quo. Ultimately, this policy dilemma gives rise to informational ambivalence and the law on access to information temds to be formalistic and instrumentalist. In turn, e-government system cannot make the institution or the state more transparent in the public eye, also, open government can be treated as a risk where people can use it to attack the stability of the state.
To solve this struggle in Vietnam, I argue, we will need to address initially the secrecy system by reforming the state secrets legislation. Particularly, the new parliamentary law should be revised to replace the obsolete ordinance regulating state secrets. In this law, government secrecy, from the definition to the classification thereof should be provided clearly, legitimately and precisely. Legislators should take into account that secretive decision determined by small groups of elites cannot continue ADDIN EN.CITE Florini2003437168(Ann Florini, 2003, p. 168)4374376Florini, AnnThe Coming Democracy: New Rules for Running a New World2003Island Press1559632895(Ann Florini, 2003, p. 168), with a presumption of an open government in which all restrictions to the right to information require a legitimate judgment and comprehensive consideration ADDIN EN.CITE Peters2013464(Peters, 2013)4644645Peters, AnneBianchi, A., & Peters, A.Towards transparency as a global normTransparency in International Law2013Cambridge ҹþ Press(Peters, 2013).
Accordingly, the fight for freedom of information, the condition for developing e-democracy in Vietnam should begin with legislative reforms in state secrets perspective, without which the Law on Access to information will likely become an innocuous law in a foreseeable prospect. Without which, with the culture of secrecy in Vietnam, we may have no hope for a better practice of open government in the future.
3. Structural limitations: adverse impact from the Cyber security law
Structural limitations are concerned especially with the way the law or policies governing democratic activities impact on the practice of e-democracy. Not only the constraints of the law on state secrets protection, as discussed previously, the National Assembly finally passed the Cyber Security Law in 2018 despite many publics critics and even demonstrations. It is worthy to note that, this law was passed in a new step of consolidation of secrecy and political stability, and was labeled as "a totalitarian model of information control". The law will be applied to all agencies, organizations and individuals, public and private sectors, who will be defined as stakeholders of the protection of cybersecurity, which is broadly defined as the assurance that activities in cyberspace not causing harm to the national security, social order and safety, lawful rights and interests of agencies, organizations and individuals. Specifically, foreign organisations, which have users residing in Vietnam such as Google, Facebook and other social networks will be regulated by this law. The cyber security legislation covers all networks of IT infrastructure, telecommunication, Internet, computer systems, databases, information processing, storage and controlling systems, and regulates activities of every enterprise providing services in cyberspace and Internet users including e-commerce, websites, online forums, social networking and blogs.
As an unseperated part of the law on state secret protection, as discussed above, the Cyber security law provides a list of prohibitory acts in cyberspace as follows:
Using cyberspace, IT and electronic media in order to breach the laws on national security, social order and safety;
Organizing, activating, colluding, instigating, bribing, cheating or tricking, manipulating, training or drilling people to oppose the State of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam;
Distorting history, denying revolutionary achievements, destroying the national solidarity block, conducting offences against religion, gender discrimination or racist acts;
Providing false information, causing confusion among the citizens, causing harm to socioeconomic activities, causing difficulties for the operation of State agencies or of people performing public duties, or infringing the lawful rights and interests of other agencies, organizations and individuals;
Activities being prostitution, social evils or human trafficking; publishing information which is lewd, depraved or criminal; or destroying the fine traditions and customs of the people, social ethics or health of the community; and
Inciting, enticing or activating other people to commit crime.
Undeniably, the list of prohibition hereby disccused is somehow vague and easy to be abused by allowing the authority to maximum discretion. As a result, this new cyber security law has been continuously criticized by many scholars due to the fact that it can potentially impact economic development and democratic performance relating to freedoms of speech and expression. Similar to the Law on State secret protection, the Cyber Security law provides that all states agencies will have the discretion to determine which expression, status, comment or any information recored in internet to be labeled as illegal and restricted, and then punishment. Regulated by this any citizen- internet user will likely become more careful when they say or do something online, and if they try to connect online to any website in the system of e-gorvernment, all of their activities or saying may be overseen, and may be used as evidences for being accused.
When people are monitored what they are saying, many questions arised, how can they participate the political dialogue and engage in the political process online? Would they feel reluctant when they vote for members of National Assembly or local peoples councils online? Would they feel really comfort when giving their comments, critics or complains relating to policies or administrative aparatus via e-government webtsites? As a result, Information flow will be censored strictly, interaction via internet will also be monitored, and e-democracy cannot be cultivated adequately at last.
So, what hope for open government in Vietnam?
4. Citizen restraints
This barrier refers the extent to which there is a demand within the community for e-democracy. Linked to the 1st barrier relating to democratic understanding, democracy is somehow a sensitive topic to be discussed in the public, to be researched in any social sciences, to be claimed or requested to the state agencies. Therefore, e-democracy has not been yet regulated in any legal documents relating to e-government. In the case of Vietnam, we can say that E-government is a system for providing official and formal information of the Government, and improving the quality of public services, but not for any performance of e-democracy.
Openness dilemma means that transparency and interactivity can serve different and separated political and strategic functions for the bureaucracy. Bureaucrats can therefore use the web as a tool for information dissemination on the one hand while trying to use it to limit interaction on the other hand. For example, in a civil service system of a high mission level, bureaucracies show greater transparency but place greater interactivity restrictions in their websites. () [G]overnments can place what they want people to know, or what they believe they have a duty or desire to share in the public domain, yet, prefer to limit direct interaction (Wong and Welch, 2004, p.290).
Therefore, e-government does not always accompany with e-democracy because information technology is just a tool for governing in a modern state that may be or may be not democratic. Thus, the culture of bureaucracies, institutional infrastructure, and socio-political circumstances determine whether e-government may increase or decrease democratic accountability and participation. Generally, closed regimes tend to use Internet policy as a means to control the information flow in favor of political interests.
Similarly, ADDIN EN.CITE Kalathil201037824Kalathil and Boas (2010, p. 24)3783786Kalathil, ShanthiBoas, Taylor COpen Networks, Closed regimes: The Impact of the Internet on Authoritarian Rule2010Carnegie Endowment for International Peace087003331XKalathil and Boas (2010, p. 24) argue that states commonly use the Internet for two main purposes, e-government and propaganda. According to them, e-government is likely to contribute to public satisfaction with public services, and thus increasing public trust. On the other hand, governments websites or portals may be used as a channel for propaganda to national or international audiences.
Conclusively, e-government is for the regime, not for the people. And along with the democracy practices, e-democracy and open government cannot be implemented through this kind of e-government.
Conclusion
Vietnam has tried to follow the steps of Singapore in building a comprehensive system of e-government in which administrative procedures and public services have been provided promptly and adequately, but transparency and democracy have not automatically flow through this system. Vietnam becomes more transparent time after time in association with the promotion of e-government as discussed in previous section. However, building an open government to reach e-democracy seems to be too far to reach due to the so-called openess dilemma: How to be more transparent to open the economy for international integration in the one hand, and maintain the status quo of political order on the other? E-government therefore tends to be used as a tool for national propaganda rather than a way for engage people in political activities for improving democracy.
This dilemma is deemed as a biggest barrier to open government in the case of Vietnam. The future research shall needs to address the solutions for overcoming the institutional constrains toward greater democratic performance in the digital age.
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W o n g , W . , & W e l c h , E . ( 2 0 0 4 ) . D o e s e g o v e r n m e n t p r o m o t e a c c o u n t a b i l i t y ? A c o m p a r a t i v e a n a l y s i s o f w e b s i t e o p e n n e s s a n d g o v e r n m e n t a c c o u n t a b i l i t y . G o v e r n a n c e , 1 7 ( 2 ) , 2 7 5 - 2 9 7 .
A v a i l a b l e a t H Y P E R L I N K " h t t p s : / / o b a mawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/transparency-and-open-government" https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/transparency-and-open-government
See, McDermott, P. (2010). Building Open Government. Government Information Quarterly, 27(4) pp. 401-410
Hansson, K., Belkacem, K., & Ekenberg, L. (2014). Open Government and Democracy: A Research Review. Social Science Computer Review, 33(5), 540-555.
Finel, B. I., & Lord, K. M. (1999). The Surprising Logic of Transparency. International Studies Quarterly, 43(2), 325-339. doi: 10.1111/0020-8833.00122
Queralt, J. P., Caballero, J., Casals, A., Navarro, J. C., Serra, S., Redondo, S., ... & Barberet, J. (1997). The treatment of aggressive prisoners: A closed regime programme.Advances in psychology and law: International contributions, 442-451.
Kalathil, S., & Boas, T. C. (2010).Open networks, closed regimes: The impact of the Internet on authoritarian rule. Carnegie Endowment.
The term totalitarianism first appeared during the 1920s and 1930s, and was used to describe the model of ideology emerging from fascist Italy. In the 1950s, the term was used to refer to orthodox Communist regimes. Totalitarianism may be too rare for a developed theory. See, for more evidence Brooker, P. (2013). Non-democratic regimes: Palgrave Macmillan.
Fortunately, in the modern world, fascism has ended and most communist countries have progressively transformed. Correspondingly, I will not use the term totalitarian regimes when discussing sample countries political systems (China, Vietnam, Laos) in this thesis. ADDIN EN.CITE Brooker20135175175176Brooker, PaulNon-Democratic Regimes2013Palgrave Macmillan1137382538
Purcell (1973), Authoritarianism, Comparative Politics, HYPERLINK "https://www.jstor.org/stable/i217428" Vol. 5, No. 2 (Jan., 1973), pp. 301-312
Srensen, G., (1993). Democracy, authoritarianism and state strength.The European Journal of Development Research,5(1), pp.6-34.
Paul Brooker (2013), based on the theories provided by Hutington and Tucker, distinguishes one-party system and single party system. One party system is a regime in which there is only one influential and determinant party, other parties are pro forma political forces with weak voices. Meanwhile, single party means only one ruling party.
Brooker, P. (2013).Non-democratic regimes. Macmillan International Higher Education. Diamond, L. (2002). Elections without democracy: Thinking about hybrid regimes.Journal of democracy,13(2), 21-35.
Ibid, see also Linz, J. J. (1990). Transitions to democracy.Washington Quarterly,13(3), 143-164.
Clift, S. (2003). E-democracy, e-governance and public net-work. Artculo en lnea. Publicus. net.
Ibid
Article 33, the 1992 Constitution
The United Nations E-Government Surveys are available at https://publicadministration.un.org/egovkb/en-us/Data/Country-Information/id/189-Viet-Nam/dataYear/2018 (last visited 14/08/2019).
West, D. M. (2000). Assessing E-government: The Internet, Democracy, and Service Delivery by State and Federal Governments. Brown ҹþ, Providence, R1 02 9 9 1 2 .
T o l b e r t , C . J . , & M o s s b e r g e r , K . ( 2 0 0 6 ) . T h e e f f e c t s o f e g o v e r n m e n t o n t r u s t a n d c o n f i d e n c e i n g o v e r n m e n t . P u b l i c a d m i n i s t r a t i o n r e v i e w , 6 6 ( 3 ) , 3 5 4 - 3 6 9 .
S u p r a n o t e 1 8 , 4 0 .
W o n g , W . , & W e l c h , E . ( 2 0 0 4 ) . D o e s e g o v e r n m e n t p r o m o t e a c c o u n t a b i l i t y ? A comparative analysis of website openness and government accountability. Governance, 17(2), 275-297.
It is necessary to reiterate that Resolution issued by the Communist party and its agencies is not officially recognized as one of legal document that listed in the Law on promulgation of legal documents (2008, 2014), but having noted that Vietnamese (and other socialist states as well) legal researches should begin at relative policies of Communist party, without which the laws and regulations would not have been passed and issued.
The full text of the Decision is available at (Retrieved on Jan 6 2016) HYPERLINK "http://thuvienphapluat.vn/archive/Quyet-dinh/112-2001-QD-TTg-vb71787t17.aspx" http://thuvienphapluat.vn/archive/Quyet-dinh/112-2001-QD-TTg-vb71787t17.aspx
Available at HYPERLINK "https://luatminhkhue.vn/en/decision/decision-no-136-2001-qd-ttg-dated-september-17--2001-of-the-prime-minister-approving-the-overall-program-on-state-administrative-reform--the-2001-2010-period.aspx" https://luatminhkhue.vn/en/decision/decision-no-136-2001-qd-ttg-dated-september-17--2001-of-the-prime-minister-approving-the-overall-program-on-state-administrative-reform--the-2001-2010-period.aspx (Retrieved Mar 3, 2016.)
The full text of the Decision is available at (Retrieved on Mar 3, 2016) HYPERLINK "http://thuvienphapluat.vn/van-ban/Bo-may-hanh-chinh/Decision-no-94-2006-QD-TTg-of-April-27-2006-approving-the-plan-on-state-administrative-reform-in-the-2006-2010-period-72988.aspx" http://thuvienphapluat.vn/van-ban/Bo-may-hanh-chinh/Decision-no-94-2006-QD-TTg-of-April-27-2006-approving-the-plan-on-state-administrative-reform-in-the-2006-2010-period-72988.aspx
Available at (Retrieved Mar 3, 2016.) HYPERLINK "http://moj.gov.vn/vbpq/en/Lists/Vn%20bn%20php%20lut/View_Detail.aspx?ItemID=4349" http://moj.gov.vn/vbpq/en/Lists/Vn%20bn%20php%20lut/View_Detail.aspx?ItemID=4349
The full text of the Decision is available at (Retrieved on Jan 6 2016) HYPERLINK "https://moj.gov.vn/en/Documents/QD_Cuc%20CNTT.doc" https://moj.gov.vn/en/Documents/QD_Cuc%20CNTT.doc
Retrieved from HYPERLINK "http://vbqppl.mpi.gov.vn/en-us/Pages/default.aspx?itemId=2f08f00c-71cf-4b07-bef8-b6b9a76ab9b6&list=documentDetail" http://vbqppl.mpi.gov.vn/en-us/Pages/default.aspx?itemId=2f08f00c-71cf-4b07-bef8-b6b9a76ab9b6&list=documentDetail (Jan 6, 2016)
Vietnamese version of this document is available at HYPERLINK "http://www2.chinhphu.vn/portal/page/portal/chinhphu/noidungchuongtrinhquocgiakhac?_piref33_14737_33_14736_14736.strutsAction=ViewDetailAction.do&_piref33_14737_33_14736_14736.docid=4079&_piref33_14737_33_14736_14736.substract" http://www2.chinhphu.vn/portal/page/portal/chinhphu/noidungchuongtrinhquocgiakhac?_piref33_14737_33_14736_14736.strutsAction=ViewDetailAction.do&_piref33_14737_33_14736_14736.docid=4079&_piref33_14737_33_14736_14736.substract=
Smith, L. G. (1983). Alternative Mechanisms for Public Participation in Environmental Policy Making. Environments, 14(3), 21.
Promoting participation of the citizenry is the cornerstone of socially inclusive governance. The goal of e-participation initiatives should be to improve the citizen's access to information and public services; and promote participation in public decision-making which impacts the well-being of society, in general, and the individual, in particular.
According to EU Parliament recommendation, Citizens participation in the digital age e-democracy, available at HYPERLINK "https://europeanmovement.eu/citizens-participation-in-the-digital-age-e-democracy/" https://europeanmovement.eu/citizens-participation-in-the-digital-age-e-democracy/
Kalathil, S., & Boas, T. C. (2010). Open networks, closed regimes: The impact of the Internet on authoritarian rule. Carnegie Endowment.
Pratchett, L. (2005) Barriers to e-democracy: local government experiences and responses. London: Office of the Deputy Prime Minister (National Project on Local e-Democracy)
See, for example, Fukuyama, F. (2009). Westernization vs. Modernization. # 5 6 I J K c F
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" F H \ ` b G T d e f f g ! # $ % & v w z { 7 侷 h ht 0J j h ht U h ht j h ht 0J UhYA6 hYA6 ht OJ QJ ^J hYA6 ht 6ht OJ QJ j hYA6 ht 0J U hYA6 ht @7 8 < = M N ? @ O P u v W X Y [ \ q < = > j b c e f g K x x )x *x +x Ex [x \x cx x x ع졚 UhPQ ht 6 hPQ ht j hPQ ht 0J U hPQ h h j h 0J Uh ht 6ht h ht 0J h ht j h ht 0J Uht OJ QJ j h ht U 8 New Perspectives Quarterly, 26(2), 84-89.
See, Pinkney, R. (2003). Democracy in the third world (p. 74). Boulder and London: Lynne Rienner Publishers.
Duong, M. N. (2004). Grassroots democracy in Vietnamese communes. Centre for Democratic Institutions, Research School of Social Sciences, Australian National ҹþ.
Florini, A. (2000). The end of secrecy. In Power and Conflict in the Age of Transparency (pp. 13-28). Palgrave Macmillan, New York.
Colaresi, M. P. (2014). Democracy Declassified: The Secrecy Dilemma in National Security: Oxford ҹþ Press.
Full text is available at HYPERLINK "https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/memorandum-heads-executive-departments-agencies/" https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/memorandum-heads-executive-departments-agencies/
See the full text in Vietnamese at HYPERLINK "https://thuvienphapluat.vn/van-ban/Bo-may-hanh-chinh/Luat-Bao-ve-bi-mat-nha-nuoc-2018-337064.aspx" https://thuvienphapluat.vn/van-ban/Bo-may-hanh-chinh/Luat-Bao-ve-bi-mat-nha-nuoc-2018-337064.aspx
Article 8. Law on state secrets protection 2018
Amnesty International, People's Republic of China: State secrets - a pretext for repression, 14 May 1996, ASA 17/042/1996, available at: HYPERLINK "http://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6a9980.html" http://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6a9980.html (accessed July 19, 2019).
See, Van Long, T. (2016). Vietnams Draft Law on Access to Information: Solving the Transparency Policy Dilemma. International Journal of Transparency and Accountability in Governance, 2, 84-102.
Florini, A. (2003). The Coming Democracy: New Rules for Running a New World: Island Press.
Peters, A. (2013). Towards transparency as a global norm. In A. Bianchi, & Peters, A. (Ed.), Transparency in International Law: Cambridge ҹþ Press.
The notion is borrowed from Bates, J. M. (2004). From State Monopoly to a Free Market of Ideas? Censorship in Poland, 1976-1989. CRITICAL STUDIES, 22, 141-168.
Full text in Vietnamese: HYPERLINK "https://luatvietnam.vn/an-ninh-quoc-gia/luat-an-ninh-mang-2018-luat-an-ninh-mang-so-24-2018-qh14-164904-d1.html" https://luatvietnam.vn/an-ninh-quoc-gia/luat-an-ninh-mang-2018-luat-an-ninh-mang-so-24-2018-qh14-164904-d1.html
Supra note 17
Kalathil, S., & Boas, T. C. (2010). Open Networks, Closed regimes: The Impact of the Internet on Authoritarian Rule: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
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